Sources: Trump Tells Negotiators Get Deal Done, Ignore Bibi
April 10—As the U.S. negotiating team led by Vice President JD Vance arrives in Islamabad for tense talks on an Iran peace deal, sources close to the White House report that they have been given clear instructions from President Donald Trump: get a deal done in the interests of the United States and ignore any protests from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin "Bibi" Netanyahu, who Trump now believes lied to him to drag America into what was his war with Iran.
These sources say Trump shifted the leadership to Vance precisely because his other negotiators—Special Envoy Steve Witkoff and especially his son-in-law Jared Kushner—"had Bibi in their ear too much, preventing them from reaching a deal." One source noted that when a deal on Iran’s nuclear program was essentially complete before the February 28 attack, it was leaked to the Israelis, allowing Bibi to declare it inadequate and announce that Israel would strike Iran and kill its leadership.
Israel also provided the White House with false intelligence that the proposed attacks would quickly cause the Iranian people to move for regime change, when the exact opposite proved to be true—the attacks strengthened mullahs.
Witkoff, to his credit, opposed the attacks, but he was overruled by the Christian Zionists around Trump—led by Secretary of War Pete Hegseth—who claimed “shock and awe” would topple the Iranian regime. To justify the strike, they forced Witkoff publicly lie that the Iranians could build eleven bombs and had broken off nuclear negotiations, claims later discredited.
Trump’s Shift: Cut Losses, End the War
Vance, who has no love for Netanyahu or his Epstein class British backers like former Prime Minister Tony Blair, was ordered by Trump to tell Bibi that the U.S. wanted to exit Iran. This led to a shouting match between the two before the ceasefire and reopening of the Strait of Hormuz were announced.
Trump now believes Iran’s simple ten-point plan offers the best framework for a path to peace. Working through Pakistan as intermediary, he has already made concessions to secure an end to the war—including granting Iran operational control of the Strait of Hormuz in exchange for traffic fees and agreeing to lift all sanctions once a deal is signed. There is further agreement on a basic non‑aggression pact, covering Israel, and bars future attacks on Iran so long as the deal is honored.
Iran’s Nuclear Material and U.S. Concessions
Iran has agreed to renounce permanently any nuclear weapons program. The remaining question concerns uranium enrichment. Iran told U.S. negotiators—and American intelligence confirmed—that its 60%-enriched uranium is buried deep under the rubble of a bombed nuclear site from the 12‑Day War last summer. Plans call for U.S. and Iranian teams to recover the material and transfer it to a third party, most likely Russia, in exchange for nuclear fuel for reactors.
The U.S. is willing to discuss a much more limited enrichment program, conducted under international inspection and supervision
There will be no reparations, the sources report, but all affected countries—including Iran and Israel—will have access to joint reconstruction funds. Trump has also said that Iran could use Strait‑of‑Hormuz revenues immediately for reconstruction. Broader regionwide infrastructure projects, including nuclear‑powered desalination under the Oasis Plan which several parties have brought forward, are also under discussion.
American Presence Shrinking, Israel’s Attacks Continue
Trump has even floated a reduction of America’s military footprint, arguing that a stabilizing region no longer requires heavy U.S. military presence. Sources confirmed that Trump had agreed that Israel should halt its bombardment of Hezbollah in Lebanon, though massive strikes have continued. Israeli officials have privately acknowledged the need to pause operations as talks proceed.
“It’s a hard pill to swallow for some people, but the big loser in this war is Israel, and the big winner is Iran who has successfully resisted the combined might of the U.S. and Israel,” said one source. “Trump made stupid threats about wiping out Iranian civilization—he never had the capability to do that with conventional weapons. He would need to use nukes to do that. Is he that insane? His latest actions say no.”
A Regional Shift and a Deepening Rift with Netanyahu
“There is a shift happening, even if not everyone sees it yet,” said a veteran regional diplomat. “The U.S. doesn’t control the Middle East. Some fools like Hegseth may say otherwise, but they are just fools. The British have done that for more than a century. They do so by playing people off against each other, using religious and cultural issues. In this Israelis a hand grenade thrown by London. The challenge now is to break out of the British game and base policy on cooperation instead of division. It is not just about making money. It is about making people's lives better. You don’t have to rob Iranians to reward Israelis or vice versa.
"The Brits and their assets would be the odd men out in this universe. We are not there yet, but it could happen—and it will happen if you don't want more Gazas. People like Bibi have no role in that future. In fact, he needs to be kicked to the curb for it to happen."
Aluf Benn, the astute editor of Haaretz, the paper Bibi has tried to shut down because it dares to tell the truth, wrote the following today about Netanyahu’s predicament:
Benjamin Netanyahu has landed in a political predicament due to his failure in the war with Iran greater than any he has faced since his 2009 return to power. The prime minister believes that he is the modern incarnation of Winston Churchill and the Iranians are the successors to the Nazis. The February 28 attack was meant to cement his place in history as a prophet who warned of the threat and succeeded in rallying the American superpower to eliminate it. Netanyahu indeed emerged as Churchill—but instead of the hero of World War II's Battle of Britain, as the failed first lord of the admiralty from World War I, who led to the military disaster at Gallipoli.
Netanyahu failed in Iran not only because after the war last June he promised that the Iranian nuclear and missile threat had been eliminated for generations to come, and not because of the false hopes he spread for the fall of the threatening regime in Tehran and its replacement by the late Shah of Iran's amicable son. Nor was it due to defeats on the battlefield or grave civilian losses or damage. On the contrary, the military performance on the Iranian front and the coordination with the U.S. military were flawless, and Netanyahu deserves credit for them just as he deserves castigation for the October 7 calamity.
Ironically, in trying to fulfill his life’s ambition, he undermined the secret of his political charm. When he tried to be what he is not (Churchill), he lost what he is (Bibi). For years he enjoyed public favor far beyond his "base," due to his caution in using force and his aversion to risk. His political rivals mock him as a coward, but most Israelis preferred the illusion of normalcy of “managing the conflict” over military adventurism. The October 7 Hamas attack shattered that illusion. He was cornered, and the longer the war dragged on, the more risks he took.
All of these steps, and the public backing he received from the current U.S. president, reinforced his megalomania. The man who once settled for the goal—maintaining Israel's security—took it upon himself to reengineer the Middle East and install a new regime in Iran, "not Himmler instead of Hitler," as he explained. Like Churchill at Gallipoli, Netanyahu believed a surprise blow to the enemy's rear would lead to a quick victory. He underestimated Iran's ability to absorb the blow and launch a counterattack and did not prepare for a decisive final move. Trump stopped the bleeding, cut a ceasefire deal, and left Netanyahu facing "Himmler" in Tehran.
Netanyahu found himself in trouble with his patron in the White House, who is blaming him for the hasty move to war. The relationship with Trump is vital to Netanyahu's campaign and his efforts to cancel his trial, but the president is not pleased with his protégé in Jerusalem.
On Israel's Independence Day, less than two weeks from now, Trump is scheduled to come to Jerusalem to receive the Israel Prize for his "unique contribution to the Jewish people," and perhaps to light a ceremonial torch. Will he forgive Netanyahu and come to help him with his campaign—or cast him aside and begin thinking about regime change in Israel?